Morocco makes it to our Africa’s richest countries as the number five. According to the International Monetary Fund(IMF) sources, Morocco has $127,000 GDP (PPP) in its account while on the same note its total GDP is $90.7 billion. Morocco is one of the largest producers of phosphorus in the world, a reason why its economy has largely been influenced by the fluctuations of phosphates prices.
With an estimated GDP (PPP) of $268,900 and $134.7 billion total GDP, Algeria is the fourth richest country in Africa. Thanks to the fossil fuels energy sector which stands as the backbone of Algeria’s economy. This area accounts for 95% of the country’s exports and an enticing 30% GDP. This country has a reserve of billions of barrels of oil.
Being among the top 20 exporters of goods to the US market, Nigeria bags the third richest country in Africa. It boasts of $294,800 GDP (PPP) as well as the total GDP – $165.4 billion. This has been accelerated by the significant oil production in most of Nigeria’s towns and cities. Furthermore, its ever rising population has provided enough manpower for the economy.
Not only is South Africa the second richest country in Africa, but is also ranked 25th in the world when it comes to GDP (PPP). South Africa is known to be the largest Africa’s energy producer while at the same time its largest consumer. As per the IMF, it has an estimated GDP (PPP) of $403,900 and $227.3 billion total GDP. South Africa’s substantial income also comes from the tourism sector. The major gross in income made life in South Africa easier, allowing people to spend more on entertainment, gaming, and lifestyle. Worth mentioning gaming is very popular in South Africa, with revenues posted their second-largest annual increase over the past five years up to R2.1 billion in 2014.
Egypt is arguably the richest country in Africa in 2015. It has an overwhelmingly developed economy. Its GDP (PPP) of $467,600 and total GDP of $187.9 billion makes it top the list of Africa’s richest countries. It has a well-developed energy market with activities such as oil, coal, natural gas, and hydro power among others. It remains an exporter to many countries.
TV Afrique takess a look at Nigeria’s major means of transport for short trips poularly known in Nigeria as Okada. Enjoy!.
The videos below shows a random assessment of the percentage of Nigerians willing to vote in the upcoming general elections and why. This survey was conducted mid 2018 in the south western region of Nigeria.
What do you think about their expressions?, kindly comment below.
Welcome to Balogun Market, the biggest fashion accessory market in the south western part of Nigeria.
The Mau was a non-violenthttp://www.tvafrique.com/wp-admin/post-new.php movement for Samoan independence from colonial rule during the first half of the 20th century. Mau means ‘opinion,’ ‘unwavering,’ ‘to be decided,’ or ‘testimony’ denoting ‘firm strength’ in Samoan. The motto for the Mau were the words Samoa mo Samoa (Samoa for the Samoans). Similarly in Hawaii’an Mau means to strive or persevere, and is often linked with Hawaii’an poetry relating to independence and sovereignty struggles.
The movement had its beginnings on the island of Savai’i with the Mau a Pule resistance in the early 1900s with widespread support throughout the country by the late 1920s. As the movement grew, leadership came under the country’s chiefly elite, the customary matai leaders entrenched in Samoan tradition and fa’a Samoa. The Mau included women who supported the national organisation through leadership and organisation as well as taking part in marches. Supporters wore a Mau uniform of a navy blue lavalava with a white stripe which was later banned by the colonial administration.
The Mau movement culminated on 28 December 1929 in the streets of the capital Apia, when the New Zealand military police fired on a procession who were attempting to prevent the arrest of one of their members. The day became known as Black Saturday. Up to 11 Samoans were killed, including Mau leader and high chief Tupua Tamasese Lealofi III with many others wounded. One New Zealand constable was clubbed to death by protesters.
The Mau movement’s efforts would ultimately result in the political independence of Samoa in 1962 but the height of the movement’s activity in the Western Islands occurred in the late 1920s and early 1930s.
Broadly, the history of the Mau movement can be seen as beginning in the 19th century with European contact and the advent of Western powers, Britain, United States and Germany, vying for control of the Pacific nation. The country became German Samoa (1900–1914) followed by New Zealand colonial rule during which the Mau gathered national support.
The Mau was a revolt of Old Samoa against foreign domination, and, therefore, originated in the nineteenth century. Samoan author and Professor Albert Wendt.
A key event occurred in 1908, in a dispute between the German colonial administration and the Malo o Samoa, or Samoan Council of Chiefs, over the establishment of a copra business owned and controlled by native Samoans.
The dispute led to the eventual formation of a resistance movement called Mau a Pule on Savai’i by Lauaki Namulau’ulu Mamoe, one of the Samoan leaders from Safotulafai who was deposed by the German Governor of Samoa, Wilhelm Solf. As well as deposing members of the Malo o Samoa, Solf called in two German warships as a show of strength. Lauaki returned with his warriors from Savai’i for battle. The German governor convinced Mata’afa to set up a “peace talk meeting” with Lauaki but that Lauaki had to disperse his army before the meeting. Unbeknown to Mata’afa was the intent of the German governor to rid of Lauaki. Lauaki, a man of honor, returned with his warriors to Savai’i as they were reluctant to leave Upolu without him. After ensuring his warriors’ arrival to their villages, Lauaki returned to Upolu. As it took Lauaki several days to disperse his army, the German governor set up his trap. Days later upon their return to Upolu, Lauaki and some of the Chiefs were betrayed at this “peace talk”, held aboard the German ship. In 1909, Lauaki and the other senior leaders of the Mau a Pule were exiled to the German colonies in the Marianas (North West Pacific) where they were to stay until 1914, when New Zealand took over Samoa as part of its Empire duties at the outbreak of World War I. Many of those exiled died before returning to Samoa. Lauaki died en route back to Samoa in 1915.
The Samoan independence movement would not gain strength again until after New Zealand forces, unopposed by the German rulers, annexed Western Samoa in 1914, at the beginning of World War I. Military rule continued after the war ended, and in 1919, some 7,500 Samoans, around 22 per cent of the population, died during an influenza epidemic. It was already known that Samoans were susceptible to the smallest European diseases, as they had never encountered them before. When the ship SS Talune arrived in Apia with its crew and passengers obviously sick with influenza, they were allowed to dock by the New Zealanders.
Two days later the first deaths were reported. No attempt was made by the New Zealand administrators to quell or contain the spread, and after one week it had spread through the whole of Samoa. Whole families were killed, with such alarming speed that corpses lay around for weeks without being buried. They were either thrown in mass graves or left in houses which were torched. However, in American Samoa, where quarantine precaution measures had been adequately taken, there were no deaths. Upon learning of the current situation in Western Samoa, the American Governor offered help to Colonel Logan who was in charge; Logan was British born and hated Americans. He destroyed the telegram and cut off any other contact to American Samoa. The Americans had a large medical team who could have saved many lives.
This catastrophic event was to lay a new foundation for discontent with an administration already perceived as incompetent and dishonest by many Samoans. The clumsy handling of Samoa’s governance, the slow and deliberate erosion of traditional Samoan social structures by successive administrators, and a general failure to understand and respect Samoan culture also sowed the seeds for a revitalised resistance to colonial rule. Logan was replaced by Colonel Robert Tate.
The groundswell of support among Samoans for the Mau came from the leadership of Samoan matai, the heads of families in Samoa’s traditional socio-political structure. Family and chiefly title connections, a central part of Samoan culture, were used to harness support. The success of the Mau in gathering national support showed that fa’a Samoa was still strong  despite colonialism.
Samoans of mixed parentage, facing discrimination from both cultures but with the advantage of cross-cultural knowledge, also played a key role in the new movement.
Olaf Frederick Nelson, one of the leaders of the new Mau movement, was a successful merchant of mixed Swedish and Samoan heritage. Nelson was the richest man in Samoa at the time and well-travelled. He was frustrated by the colonial administration’s exclusion of native and part-Samoans from governance. Notably, he was one of many who had lost a child to the influenza epidemic of 1919 in addition to his mother, sister, only brother, and sister in-law. Although classified as a European, he considered himself Samoan “by birth blood and sentiment.”
In 1926, Nelson visited Wellington to lobby the New Zealand government on the issue of increased self-rule. During his visit, the Minister for External Affairs, William Nosworthy, promised to visit Samoa to investigate. When Nosworthy postponed his trip, Nelson organised two public meetings in Apia, which were attended by hundreds, and The Samoan League, or O le Mau, was formed.
The Mau published the Samoa Guardian newspaper as a mouthpiece for the movement. To demonstrate the extent of popular support for the Mau, Nelson organised a sports meeting for movement members on the King’s Birthday, in parallel with the official event, and held a well-attended ball at his home on the same night. Movement members had begun to engage in acts of noncooperation: neglecting the compulsory weekly search for the rhinoceros beetle, enemy of the coconut palm, thereby threatening the lucrative copra industry. When New Zealand administrators imposed a per-capita beetle quota, many Samoan villages resisted by breeding the insects in tightly-woven baskets rather than comply with the orders to scour the forests and collect them.
In 1927, alarmed at the growing strength of the Mau, George Richardson, the administrator of Samoa, changed the law to allow the deportation of Europeans or part-Europeans charged with fomenting unrest. This action was presumably taken on the assumption that the growing movement was merely a product of self-interested Europeans agitating the native Samoans.
In reality, however, the Mau was built upon the traditional forms of Samoan political organisation. In each village that joined the movement, a committee was formed, consisting of the chiefs and “talking men”. These committees formed the basic element of an alternative system of governance, and the tendency of Samoans to unite under traditional leadership meant that by the mid- to late 1920s, around 85% of the Samoan population was involved in open resistance.
Following another visit to New Zealand to petition the Government, Nelson was exiled from Samoa along with two other part-European Mau leaders. The petition, which led to the formation of a joint select committee to investigate the situation in Samoa, quoted an ancient Samoan proverb: “We are moved by love, but never driven by intimidation.”
The Mau remained true to this sentiment, and despite the exile of Nelson, continued to use civil disobedience to oppose the New Zealand administration. They boycotted imported products, refused to pay taxes and formed their own “police force”, picketing stores in Apia to prevent the payment of customs to the authorities. Village committees established by the administration ceased to meet and government officials were ignored when they went on tour. Births and deaths went unregistered. Coconuts went unharvested, and the banana plantations were neglected.
As the select committee was forced to admit, “a very substantial proportion of Samoans had joined the Mau, a number quite sufficient, if they determined to resist and thwart the activities of the Administration, to paralyse the functions of government.”
Richardson sent a warship and a 70-strong force of marines to quell the largely non-violent resistance. 400 Mau members were arrested, but others responded by giving themselves up in such numbers that there were insufficient jail cells to detain them all, and the prisoners came and went as they pleased. One group of prisoners found themselves in a three-sided “cell” which faced the ocean, and were able to swim away to tend to their gardens and visit their families.
With his attempt at repression turning to ridicule, Richardson offered pardons to all those arrested; however, arrestees demanded to be dealt with by the court, and then refused to enter pleas to demonstrate their rejection of the court’s jurisdiction.
Black Saturday, 28 December 1929
The new administrator, Stephen Allen, replaced the marines with a special force of New Zealand police, and began to target the leaders of the movement.
Tupua Tamasese Lealofi III, who had led the movement following the exile of Nelson, was arrested for non-payment of taxes and imprisoned for six months.
On 28 December 1929 — which would be known thereafter as “Black Saturday” — New Zealand military police fired upon a peaceful demonstration which had assembled to welcome home A.G. Smyth, a European movement leader returning to Samoa after a two-year exile. Reports of the massacre are sketchy because the official cover-up for the incident was so effective. Tupua Tamasese Lealofi III had rushed to the front of the crowd and turned to face his people; he called for peace from them because some were throwing stones at the police. With his back to the police calling for peace he was shot in the back; another Samoan who rushed to help him was shot in both legs while cradling his head. Another who had attempted to shield his body from the bullets was shot. Two more rushing to help were killed before they could reach him.
Shooting stopped at around 6.30 am. Eight had died, three would later die, and about 50 were wounded. One policeman had also been clubbed to death.
Among the wounded were terrified women and children who had fled to a market place for cover from New Zealand police firing from the verandah of the station, one of them wielding a Lewis machine-gun.
As he lay dying, Tamesese III made this statement to his followers:
My blood has been spilt for Samoa. I am proud to give it. Do not dream of avenging it, as it was spilt in peace. If I die, peace must be maintained at any price.
Following the massacre, male Mau members fled to the mountains, the traditional retreat of those defeated in war. The resistance continued by other means, with the emergence of a women’s Mau to continue the councils, parades and symbolic protests that the men now could not. For the women’s movement, even the game of cricket represented an act of defiance inviting official harassment.
The day after his funeral, his village was raided by New Zealand military police; they ransacked houses, including those of the Tamasese’s mourning widow and children. Colonel Allen requested reinforcements from New Zealand after he claimed 2000 Mau had caused a riot. On 12 January 1930 the Royal New Zealand Navy flagship Dunedin brought marines to hunt down members of The Mau. The Mau, who were fully committed to Passive Resistance, easily slipped through the jungle; the marines were slow because they were carrying too much weaponry and didn’t know the bush like The Mau. The Mau no longer trusted New Zealand police, and this fear only got worse after a 16-year-old un-armed Samoan was shot and killed while running away from a marine, whose excuse he thought the boy was going to throw a stone was accepted as an adequate defence and no charges were laid.
A truce was declared on 12 March 1930, after another child was killed by New Zealand marines who were now suffering heat exhaustion and tropical infections. The male Mau members returned to their homes, on the condition that they retain their right to engage in non-cooperation. Meanwhile, Nelson and other exiled leaders continued to lobby the New Zealand Government and communicate their progress to the Mau. In 1931, news of the growing resistance to the British rule of India reached many Samoan villages.
Moving Towards Independence
The Mau movement had not gone unnoticed by the population of New Zealand, and the treatment of Samoans at the hands of the administration had become a contentious issue in some New Zealand electorates during the 1929 election. 1936 marked a turning point for Samoa, with the election of a Labour Government in New Zealand and the subsequent relaxation of repression by the Samoan administration. Under the new Government, there was slow movement towards greater involvement of Samoans in the administration of their own country.
When Western Samoa gained its independence in 1962, Tupua Tamasese Meaole, son of the Mau movement leader, became its first co-head of state with Malietoa Tanumafili II.
Fiame Mata’afa Faumuina Mulinu’u II (1921–1975), the son of another high chief and Mau leader Mata’afa Faumuina Fiame Mulinu’u I, became the first Prime Minister of Samoa.
In July 1997, the Samoa Constitution was amended to change the country’s name to Samoa, and officially the Independent State of Samoa.
New Zealand apology to Samoa
In 2002, Helen Clark, Prime Minister of New Zealand made an unprecedented move and apologised to Samoa for New Zealand’s treatment of Samoans during the colonial era. Clark made the apology in the capital Apia during the 40th anniversary of Samoa’s independence. The apology covered the influenza epidemic of 1918, the shooting of unarmed Mau protesters by New Zealand police in 1929 and the banishing of matai (chiefs) from their homes.
EKUMEKU Movement (Aya Oyibo) was a war of resistance against the British encroachment into the affairs of (Ndi Enuani) Anioma people. It was a decisive revolt to save from the hands of the white settlers the territorial integrity of Igbo West of the Niger. Virtually all the towns and villages in the present day Oshimili, Aniochas and Ika Local Government Areas were involved in the revolt.
British influence into the political, economic, religious cum Socio-Cultural autonomy of the people came with the establishment of the Royal Niger Company in Asaba hinter land.
The white man deceitfully penetrated into the land of the Anioma people with missionary evangelism in disguise.
He came cunningly and quietly. Our people were deceived and the Whiteman got many black followers and converts who later became traitors to betray their fellow black brothers. As Chinua Achebe said in Things Fall Apart “the white man is so clever”. “He came quietly and peaceably with his religion. We were amazed at his foolishness and allowed him stay. Now, he has won our brothers and our clan can no longer act like one. He has put a knife on that thing that held us together and we have fallen apart.”
The White man’s calculated attempts were discovered by the Chiefs and Elders. He was seen as an agent of discord and mischief. The only way to stop the impending doom was to crush the albino, and his settlement devastated. Unexpectedly, the white man saw his ego and supposed military superiority floored to the ground. His economic and political pursuit became dislodged. Though this was temporal, the move angered the Whiteman. He rose up with his superior arms and ammunition as he used black brothers to locate the roots, hideouts and strongholds of Ekumeku. Ibusa at that instance was turned battle field and the Military might of Ekumeku there, was put to nothingness. “Ndi Enuani” did not allow the seeming defeat to dampen their spirits instead Ekumeku got a wider spread as communities such as Ogwashi-Uku, Okpanam, Ubulu-Uku, Issele Uku, Odiani and some settlements in Ika combined forces to dismantle the seat of authority of the white man.
These Anioma towns rallied round and raised a formidable and well coordinated army. The British army was given an unimaginable and incredible defeat. The Ekumeku army was determined and courageous that all government and missionary buildings within the territory of Enuani were destroyed. Many of the white officers lost their lives in this encounter. When it was near total defeat, the remnant of the British force had to send for reinforcement from the Royal Niger Company based at Lokoja.
With the provocation of this unexpected defeat and dislodgement of the British force, a punitive expedition and total crush of Ekumeku military might and hideouts was ordered.
Consequently, Ekumeku uprising was silenced totally but the British army will never forget the lesson Learnt. According to Dan Olisa in his book The Realities and Values of Anioma Identity, “Although, the British was able to smash Ekumeku forces by its military might, the spirit of Ekumeku will remain indelible in their memory. For example, this kind of indigenous military resistance to British imperialism by the people, points to one important factor in the making of a people. This factor lies in the spirit of communal individualism which is strongly cultivated among the people of Anioma based on their ability to manipulate the concept of age-grade system, socio-political organizations and associations which builds up an extensive network of communication throughout the entire territory referred to as Anioma. This clearly defines a people whose ethnic ethos based on loyalty, respect and dedication to a common course is highly developed and respected.”
Nelson Mandela, in full Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, byname Madiba, (born July 18, 1918, Mvezo, South Africa—died December 5, 2013, Johannesburg), black nationalist and the first black president of South Africa (1994–99). His negotiations in the early 1990s with South African Pres. F.W de Klerk helped end the country’s apartheid system of racial segregation and ushered in a peaceful transition to majority rule. Mandela and de Klerk were jointly awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1993 for their efforts.
Early Life And Work
Nelson Mandela was the son of Chief Henry Mandela of the Madiba clan of the Xhosa-speaking Tembu people. After his father’s death, young Nelson was raised by Jongintaba, the regent of the Tembu. Nelson renounced his claim to the chieftainship to become a lawyer. He attended South African Native College (later the University of Fort Hare) and studied law at the University of the Witwatersrand; he later passed the qualification exam to become a lawyer. In 1944 he joined the African National Congress (ANC), a black-liberation group, and became a leader of its Youth League. That same year he met and married Evelyn Ntoko Mase. Mandela subsequently held other ANC leadership positions, through which he helped revitalize the organization and oppose the apartheid policies of the ruling National party.
In 1952 in Johannesburg with fellow ANC leader Olivia Tambo, Mandela established South Africa’s first black law practice, specializing in cases resulting from the post-1948 apartheid legislation. Also that year, Mandela played an important role in launching a campaign of defiance against South Africa’s pass laws, which required nonwhites to carry documents (known as passes, pass books, or reference books) authorizing their presence in areas that the government deemed “restricted” (i.e., generally reserved for the white population). He traveled throughout the country as part of the campaign, trying to build support for nonviolent means of protest against the discriminatory laws. In 1955 he was involved in drafting the Freedon Chartered a document calling for nonracial social democracy in South Africa.
Mandela’s antiapartheid activism made him a frequent target of the authorities. Starting in 1952, he was intermittently banned (severely restricted in travel, association, and speech). In December 1956 he was arrested with more than 100 other people on charges of treason that were designed to harass antiapartheid activists. Mandela went on trial that same year and eventually was acquitted in 1961. During the extended court proceedings, he divorced his first wife and married Nomzamo Winifred Madikizela ( Winnie Madikizela-Mandela)
Underground Activity And The Rivonia Trial
After the massacre of unarmed black South Africans by police forces at Sharpeville in 1960 and the subsequent banning of the ANC, Mandela abandoned his nonviolent stance and began advocating acts of sabotage against the South African regime. He went underground (during which time he became known as the Black Pimpernel for his ability to evade capture) and was one of the founders of Umkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”), the military wing of the ANC. In 1962 he went to Algeria for training in guerilla warfareand sabotage, returning to South Africa later that year. On August 5, shortly after his return, Mandela was arrested at a road block in Natal; he was subsequently sentenced to five years in prison.
In October 1963 the imprisoned Mandela and several other men were tried for sabotage, treason, and violent conspiracy in the infamous Rivonia Trial, named after a fashionable suburb of Johannesburg where raiding police had discovered quantities of arms and equipment at the headquarters of the underground Umkhonto we Sizwe. Mandela’s speech from the dock, in which he admitted the truth of some of the charges made against him, was a classic defense of liberty and defiance of tyranny. (His speech garnered international attention and acclaim and was published later that year as I Am Prepared to Die.) On June 12, 1964, he was sentenced to life imprisonment, narrowly escaping the death penalty.
From 1964 to 1982 Mandela was incarcerated at Robben Island Prison, off Cape Town. He was subsequently kept at the maximum-security Pollsmoor Prison until 1988, when, after being treated for tuberculosis, he was transferred to Victor Verster Prison near Paarl. The South African government periodically made conditional offers of freedom to Mandela, most notably in 1976, on the condition that he recognize the newly independent—and highly controversial—status of the Transkei Bantustan and agree to reside there. An offer made in 1985 required that he renounce the use of violence. Mandela refused both offers, the second on the premise that only free men were able to engage in such negotiations and, as a prisoner, he was not a free man.
Throughout his incarceration, Mandela retained wide support among South Africa’s black population, and his imprisonment became a cause célèbre among the international community that condemned apartheid. As South Africa’s political situation deteriorated after 1983, and particularly after 1988, he was engaged by ministers of Pres. P.W Botha’s government in exploratory negotiations; he met with Botha’s successor, de Klerk, in December 1989.
On February 11, 1990, the South African government under President de Klerk released Mandela from prison. Shortly after his release, Mandela was chosen deputy president of the ANC; he became president of the party in July 1991. Mandela led the ANC in negotiations with de Klerk to end apartheid and bring about a peaceful transition to nonracial democracy in South Africa.
Presidency And Retirement
In April 1994 the Mandela-led ANC won South Africa’s first elections by universal suffrage, and on May 10 Mandela was sworn in as president of the country’s first multiethnic government. He established in 1995 the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), which investigated human rights violations under apartheid, and he introduced housing, education, and economic development initiatives designed to improve the living standards of the country’s black population. In 1996 he oversaw the enactment of a new democratic constitution. Mandela resigned his post with the ANC in December 1997, transferring leadership of the party to his designated successor, Thabo Mbeki. Mandela and Madikizela-Mandela had divorced in 1996, and in 1998 Mandela married Gracal Machel, the widow of Samora Machel, the former Mozambican president and leader of Frelimo.
DID YOU KNOW?
⦁ After returning home partway through university, Mandela fled to Johannesburg to avoid an arranged marriage.
⦁ Starting in 2002, Mandela encouraged AIDS awareness and treatment, despite the stigma surrounding the disease.
⦁ Mandela’s marriage to Evelyn Ntoko Mase ended in divorce in the mid-1950s after she told him to choose between his political work and her.
⦁ Mandela’s primary school was a local missionary school where he became known as Nelson.